7 'Ala ad-Din 'Ata-Malik Juvaini (ca.
1226-83) was in an excellent position to obtain information about
various parts of the Mongol empire and particularly about the
Caucasus. His great-grandfather had been an advisor
to the Khwarazm Shah Tekish, and other relatives had served the
Saljuqs in Iran [Juvaini, The History of the World-Conquerer,
J.A, Boyle, trans., vol. I (Manchester, 1958) p. Xv. His grandfather
was the sahib-divan or Minister of Finance for the Khwarazm
Shahs Muhammad Jalal al -Din, and had died during the latter's
siege of Xlat' on the northern shore of Lake Van (ibid.
p. xvi), Juvaini's own father, Baha ad-Din, became the Minister
of Finance for Chingiz-Khan's successor, Ogedei, and during the
absence of his immediate superior, the emir Arghun (ca. 1246 )
Baha ad Din acted as Arghun's deputy over a large area including
Georgia and Armenia (ibid, p. xviii). Juvaini himself became
an important official of the empire. Twice during his youth he
had visited the Mongol capital of Qara-Qorum, commencing his history
of the Mongols conquests on one such visit (ca. 1252-53) (ibid.
pp. xviii-xx). He had been with the Il-Khan Huleg in 1256 at the
taking of the Assassins' stronghold Alamut, and was responsible
for saving part of its celebrated library (ibid p. xxi),
He had accompanied Hulegu during the sack of Baghdad (1258), and
the next year was appointed governor of Baghdad, Lower Mesopotamia,
and Khuzistan by him (ibid, p. xxii). Around 1282, Juvaini
attended a Mongol quriltai (or assembly) held in the Ala-Taq
pastures, northeast of Lake Van (ibid. p. xxiv) He died
the following year in Mughan or Arran in Azarbaijan (ibid.
p. xxv). Juvaini's influential brother Shams ad-Din, who had served
as Minister of Finance under Khans Hulegu and Abaqa, was the husband
of Xoshak', daughter of Awak Zak'arean-Mxargrceli (ibid.
p. xvi; KC, p. 251). Consequently, both through his own work and
through family connections, Juvaini was privy to
information unavailable to other
historians. For some unknown reason Juvaini's history terminates
more than twenty years before the author's death, with the year
1260.
8 Rashid al-Din (b. 1247 in Hamadan)
was a Jewish convert to Islam who served as physician to the-Il-Khan
Abaqa (1265-81), possibly the steward to the Il-Khan Geikhatu
(1291-95), and as financial advisor to Abaqa's grandson, Ghazan
(1295-1304) [Rashid al-Din, The Successors of Genghis Khan,
J. A. Boyle, trans. (New York, 1971) pp.3-4 ]. He was commissioned
by the latter to write a history of the Mongols and their conquests,
which he completed during the reign of Oljeitu (1307-16). This
work, the Complete Collection of Histories (Jami' al-Tawarikh)
was at the time of completion (ca, 1307) of monumental size.
Unfortunately all sections have not survived or been discovered
(ibid, pp. 6-13;also A. Z. V. Togan, "Still Missing
Works of Rashid al-Din", Central Asiatic Journal #9
(1964) pp. 113-22), Two portions of the surviving encyclopedia,
volumes II and III, are of great importance for the study of the
Il-Khanate. Volume II is an account of the successors of Chingiz-Khan
while volume III describes the Il-Khans of Iran. In his narration
down to the reign of Mongke (1251-59), Juvaini was Rashid al-Din's
main source, however, he also utilized numerous now-lost Far Eastern
and other sources. The Jami' al-Tawarikh is perhaps the
single most comprehensive Persian source on the Mongol period.[J.
A. Boyle, "Juvaini and Rashid al-Din as Sources on the History
of the Mongols", in Historians of the Middle East,
B. Lewis, ed, (New York, 1962) pp. 133-37. In an article entitled
"The Collection of Annals of Rashid-ad-Din and Its Armenian
Sources [Rashid- ad-Dini Taregrut' nneri zhoghovacun ev nra
haykakan aghbyurnere]" , PBH #2 (1965) pp. 81-94] L.
H. Babayan attempted (unsuccessfully) to prove that Rashid had
utilized Armenian sources in Persian translation. He offered
no convincing proof of the assertion. Such an important official
as Rashid was in an excellent position to utilize diverse sources
of information on Armenia, especially archival material. He himself
owned large estates in the Caucasus and Asia Minor, Finally, as
Boyle writes: "The administration of the state [during 0ljeitu's
reign] had become almost a private monopoly of his family: of
his fourteen sons, eight were governors of provinces, including
the whole of western Iran, Georgia, Iraq, and the greater part
of what is now Turkey"(Successors, p. 4). As a result
of the successful intrigues of jealous courtiers, Rashid al-Din
was brutally executed in 1317. Volume II of his History
dealing with Chingiz' successors down to Ghazan has been translated
in part by J. A. Boyle. Volume III was translated into Russian
by A. K. Arends and issued in 1946, Rashid-ad-Din, Sbornik
letopisei, t. III, (Moscow-Leningrad, 1946). For other translations,
full or partial see the bibliography in Boyle's Successors,
pp. 333-38.
9 The History of the Saljuqs
by Ibn Bibi, a Persian living in Rum embraces the period 1192-1282
and describes major events in Asia Minor and Cilicia. Almost
nothing is known about the author, albeit judging from the fact
that his father had been a secretary at the court of the Khwarazm
Shah Jalal al-Din, and his mother a noted astronomer. Ibn Bibi
probably received a fine education. After the defeat of Jalal
al-Din by the Mongols in 1231, his family sought refuge with Melik
Ashraf in Damascus. At the invitation of the sultan of Rum 'Ala'
al-Din, the family moved to Konya where they settled. He gives
most of his attention to the deeds of 'Ala' al-Din Kai-Qubad I,which
are described in a florid oriental style and are heavily influenced
by the legendary exploits of heroes in the Shahname. A
later unknown individual made a summary of the History in
which he attempted to eliminate the wearisome mythological allusions.
The French translation of this abridged version was published
by Houtsma in 1902 [Histoire des Seldjoucides d'Asie Mineure
d'apres l'Abrege du Seldjoukname d'Ibn Bibi (Paris, 1902)],
and a German translation of the critical edition of the same abridged
text was issued by Herbert Duda in 1959 [Die Seltschukengeschichte
des Ibn Bibi Munksaard (Kopehhagen, 1959)]. Those portions
of History bearing on Armenia and Cilicia were translated
into Armenian by P. Ter-Poghosean and appeared in HA (1960).
11 Ibn al-Athir, one of the world's
greatest chroniclers, was born in 1160 and educated in Mosul.
After completing his education, he travelled on missions for the
prince of Mosul, to Syria and the Levant. Eventually he retired
to devote himself to study, His Complete Chronology begins
with Creation and ends in the year 1231. [C. Huart, A History
of Arabic Literature (New York, 1903) p. 206]. The Complete
Chronology was published in its entirety by Tornberg at
Leyden in 1851-76 in fourteen volumes.
Unfortunately, no complete translation exists, although some
extracts in French translation were published in Recueil des
historiens des Croisades: Hist. Orient, II, 1887, and M.Defremery
has translated those passages concerning the Caucasus ["Fragments
de Geographes et d'Historiens arabes et persans inedit",
JA, 4th ser. #13 (1848), #14(1849)].
11 Bar Hebraeus (also known as Ibn al-'Ibri
and Gregory Abu'l Faraj) was born into a Jewish family in the
city of Melitene/Malatya on the Euphrates in 1225/26. As a child
he studied Syriac, Arabic and probably Hebrew, and subsequently
philosophy, theology, and medicine [The Chron- ography of Gregory
Abu'l-Faraj (Bar Hebraeus), E. A. Wallis Budge, trans. (London,
1932 ; repr. 1976) pp. xv-xvi]. In 1244 the Mongol general Shawer
who had ravaged the Melitene/Malatya area employed the services
of Bar Hebraeus' father, a physician. The family travelled with
the Mongols to Xarberd and thence to Antioch where Gregory at
age 17 became a Syrian Monophysite Christian(Jacobite). After
several years of study, Bar Hebraeus was ordained bishop of one
of the dioceses of Melitene/Malatya, ca. 1247, a position he occupied
for some six or seven years (Budge, p. xvii). Thereafter he was
appointed to the diocese of Aleppo, and,
in 1264 he became Maphrian of the East,
being ordained at Sis in Cilicia in the presence of the Armenian
royal house and heads of the Jacobite and Armenian Churches (ibid.
pp. xviii-xix). He then visited Abaqa-Khan, Huilegu's son, and
was confirmed in his new position(ibid. p. xxi). During
the next decade Bar Hebraeus was actively involved in quelling
the numerous disputes which plagued his Church, and he frequently
travelled between Cilicia, Maragheh in Azarbaijan and Melitene/Malatya
(ibid. pp. xxi-xxiv). In 1281 Bar Hebraeus participated
in the ordination of an Uighur monk, Yahbh-Allaha, to the catholicosate
of the Jacobite Church. The next year he visited Ahmad-Khan and
received new and greater authority. Upon his death in 1286, it
was ordered by catholicos Yahbh-Allaha that the bazar of Maragheh
be closed, and Bar Hebraeus was buried in that city with a large
number of Armenians, Nestorians, Greeks and Jacobites participating
in the services (ibid. p. xxx).
12 Budge, p. xvii.
13 ibid. pp. xviii-xix.
14 The great value of Bar Hebraeus'
Chronography was recognized during the author's own lifetime
(Budge, pp.xxviii- xxix) when "foremost men among the Arabs
asked him to turn the Chronography which he had composed
in Syriac into the Saracenic (Arabic) language so that they also
might read and enjoy it. To this the Maphrian agreed and straightway
he began to turn the [book into Arabic] in noble and exceedingly
eloquent language". A Latin translation of Bar Hebraeus'
Arabic translation was published in 1663 by Pococke. The Syriac
text of the Chronography published by Bedjan in 1890 was
translated English by E. A. Wallis Budge in 1932.
15 A bu'l Fida, the Arab historian
and geographer was descended from the line of Saladin's father.
Born in Damscus in 1273, he received a military and literary
education, participating in a series of campaigns and wars. In
1310, the sultan Malik Nasr granted him the rule of Hamat, for
his services against the sultan's adversaries Baibars and the
Mongols. He died in 1333 after ruling Hamat for twenty years [C.
Huart, op.cit., pp. 337-38].
16 Arabakan aghbyurnere Hayastani
ev harevan erkrneri masin [Arabic Sources on Armenia and Neighboring
Countries], H. T'. Nalbandyan, trans, Erevan, 1965) p. 211.
Nalbandyan's Armenian translation of those portions relevant to
Armenia and surrounding areas is found in Arabakan.., pp.
212-50, notes pp. 251-91. Standard French translations are by
Reinaud (Paris, 1848) and S. Guyard (Paris, 1883).
17 Yaqut was born in 1178 into a Greek
family of Asia Minor. Taken captive as a youth, he was sold in
Baghdad to a Muslim merchant who saw to his education. He was
sent on business for his master to numerous places. After his
manumission in 1199, Yaqut visited Syria, Oman, Egypt, Tabriz,
Aleppo and Mosul. In 1215 he travelled to Khurasan and eventually
to India. He was in Balkh when he heard of the Mongol conquests
of Khiva and Bukhara. In 1220 he fled to Mosul where, in 1224
he completed his geographical work. He died in 1229 [EI vol. 42
p. 1153, "Yakut al-Rumi"; Arabakan" , p.
5].
18 Qazvini's family, from the time of
his great-grandfather, had held hereditarily the position of Mustawfi
of Iran. Qazvini himself was trained in office-work relating to
the taxation of the provinces, and served under the great historian
and official Rashid al-Din [ G. Le Strange,
Mesopotamia and Persia under the
Mongols in the Fourteenth Century A.D.
(London, 1903) p 5]. Le Strange's translation of Qazvini's treatise
is The Geographical Part of the Nuzhat-al-Qulub of Hamd-Allah
Mustawfi of Qazvin (London, 1919). Book III of the Nuzhat-al-Qulub
provides priceless information about Azarbaijan, Mughan and Arran,
Shirvan, Gurjistan (Georgia), Rum and Armenia. District by district,
city by city the author usually explains what revenue had accrued
from a given area both in his own day, and in past times as well,
providing a vivid picture of the general decline of the Il-Khanid
state in the 14th century. In addition, Qazvini commented on the
ruined condition of numerous cities and towns, the relative size
and the trade of surviving cities, their noted religious sanctuaries,
the types of crops grown in the countryside, and much more.
19 W.W. Rockhill, The Journey of
William of Rubruck to the Eastern Parts of the World 1253-55
(London, 1900).
20 EI, new ed., vol. III, "Ibn
Battuta" p. 735. On the dating of Battuta's excursion inland
see H. A. R. Gibb, The Travels of Ibn Battuta, vol. 2
(Cambridge, 1962) pp. 533-35.
21 The Bondage and Travels of Johann
Schiltberger, J. B. TeIfer, trans.(London 1879).
22 Clavijo, Embassy to Tamerlane
1403-1406, G. Le Strange, trans. (London, 1928).
24 See H. Oskean, "Kirakos Ganjakec'i"
HA (1922) p. 89; Alishan, Hayapatum p. 216 specifies 1203.
25 KG ch. 17 p. 222.
26 KG ch. 15 p. 218.
27 KG ch. 23 pp. 243-44.
28 KG ch. 23 passim.
29 KG ch. 23 p. 252; M, Abeghyan, Collected
Works, vol. 4 (Erevan, 1970) pp. 234-40. See Bibliography
under Abeghyan.
30 KG ch. 48, p. 327, and ch. 48 passim.
31 KG ch. 58 p. 364,371, 372. On the
journey of Het'um see John Andrew Boyle, "The Journey of
Het'um I, King of Little Armenia, to the Court of the Great Khan
Monge", Central Asiatic Journal, 9(1964) pp. 175-89.
32 Oskean, op.cit., pp. 91-93.
33 Grigor Aknerc 'i, Historory of
the Nation of the Archers [HNA], R. Blake, trans., Harvard
Journal of Asiatic Studies (1949) #3-4 p. 379; Minor Chronicles,
vol. 1 Erevan, 1951) p. 44 See below under Chronographies.
34 KG "Introduction", pp.
6-10.
35 KG ch. 20 p. 231.
36 Kirakos mentions his teacher Vanakan's
now-lost work, KG ch. 5 p. 178.
37 KG ch. 60 p. 384; ch. 32 p. 272.
38 KG ch. 24 p. 249.
39 KG ch. 32 p. 274.
40 KG chp. 32 p. 274. For an English
translation and scholarly commentary on this chapter and lexicon
see J.A. Boyle, "Kirakos of Ganjak on the Mongols",
Central Asiatic Journal 8(1963) pp. 199-214; also L. Ligeti,
"Le Lexique mongol de Kirakos de Gandzak", Acta Orientalia
Hungarica XVIII(1965).
41 Oskean, op. cit., p. 216.
42 The critical edition of Ganjakec'i's
History of Armenia was published by the late K.A. Melik'-Ohanjanyan
in 1961. This text was based on 30 manuscripts housed at the Matenadaran
in Erevan, Armenia, collated with the three earlier editions those
of Moscow [Patmut'iwn Hayoc' arareal Kirakosi Ganjakec'woy
(The History of Armenia composed by Kirakos Ganjakec'i), Ostan
Ter-Georgean-Yovhanniseanc' (Moscow, 1858)] and Tiflis, 1909.
The latter is a reprint of the Moscow edition.and is reviewed
by N. Akinean in HA (1910), pp. 253-54. Complete translations
were made in French by M. Brosset (St. Petersburg, 1870) Deux
historiens armenienes, I, Kirakos de Gandzac; into Russian
by L. A. Khanlarian, Kirakos Gandzaketsi, Istoriia Armenii
(Moscow, 1976); and into English by the present writer. For the
numerous translations see K. A. Melik'-Ohanjanyan. A full bibliography
by H. Anasyan is appended to that work.
43 Vardan Arewelc'i Hawak'umn patmut'ean
Vardanay vardapeti lusabaneal (Venice, 1862) ch. 87 p. 146:
"p'arhaworeal hayrn mer Vanakan vardapetn...".
Biographical information about Vardan called Arewelc'i (the Easterner),
Aghuanic' (from Aghbania), Ganjakec'i and "the Great",
is found in the History of his classmate and good friend
Kirakos Ganjakec'i, in Vardan's own works, and in Grigor Aknerc'i's
History. Scholars in elucidating the few facts known about
Vardan sometimes have confused him with other Vardans living in
the same period. Father M. Ch'acmch'ean [Patmut'iwn Hayoc'
skzbane ashxarhi minch'ew zam tearhn 1784 est awandeloy aylayl
matenagrac' (History of the Armenians from the Creation of the
World to A. D. 1784 According to the Accounts of Diverse Sources
3 vols. (Venice, 1784-86) vol. 3 p. 240] and J. Emin [Mkrtich'
(Joseph) Emin, first to publish the Armenian text entitled it
Mecin Vardana Barjrberdc'woy patmut' iwn tiezerakan (Universal
History of the Great Vardan Barjraberdc'i) (Moscow, 1861)]
made the same mistake. However the error was not made by
the publishers in the forword of the
second edition (Venice, 1862 ) p. ii. See M. Abeghyan, Works,
vol. 4, p. 240, and H, Oskean, "Vardan Arewelc i", HA
(1921) p. 365.
44 KG ch. 41 p. 294. Father Oskean
considers it likely that Vardan participated in the Council of
Sis in 1243 called to settle Church disputes (Oskean, p. 368).
While in Cilicia, Vardan made the acquaintance of a Syrian priest
named Ishox, with whom he translated into Armenian Michael the
Syrian's Chronology, ca. 1246 (Oskean, pp. 569-70). On
the numerous other works attributed to Vardan see Oskean, pp.
461-69, 564-72.
45 KG ch. 43 p. 310.
46 ibid p. 311. Ch'amch'ean,
followed by Gh. Alishan incorrectly supposed that Vardan personally
took the encyclical back to Cilicia (Oskean, op. cit.,
p. 369). After discharging the kat'oghikos' request, Vardan
went to his retreat called Andre near Kayean fortress where he
taught and wrote (KG ch. 43 p. 311). He also lived six years at
Xorhvirap where he had 40 pupils, then at Saghmosavank' and Harhicha
monasteries (Oskean, pp. 369-70). See also H. Manandian and Hrh.
Acharhean Hayoc' nor vkanera [Armenian Neo-martyrs], (Vagharsapat,
1903) p. 105.
47 VA ch. 96 pp. 155-58.
48 VA ch. 97 p. 167.
49 Oskean, op.cit., pp. 370-71.
50 GA p. 379. Oskean thinks that Vardan
was buried at Xorhvirap (Oskean, p. 373).
51 VA ch. 87 p. 146. Vardan's Compilation
of History belongs to the genre of "universal histories"
popular among medieval Armenian authors. It commences with Adam
and terminates with the death of Vardan's personal friend kat'oghikos
Constantine in 1268. It is not known when the author started writing
the History. While Vardan tends to concentrate on the history
of Armenia, the early portion of his work also speaks about the
rulers of Israel, Greece, Persia, and Arabia. As a result of his
attempt to abridge so much of Middle Eastern history, Vardan's
style suffers. The list-like presentations of names and the extraneous
repetitions in the early section of his work make it tiresome
reading. Sources for the period before his own include the Bible
and Biblical traditions, plus most of the same Armenian historians
utilized by Kirakos Ganjakec'i. Unlike Kirakos, however, Vardan
rarely cites his sources. This is a consequence not of the author's
desire to conceal this information or to claim it as his own,
but simply because these sources would have been immediately recognized
by readers. As Vardan approaches his own period, the information
becomes more significant. This is especially true of his narration
of 11th and 12th century events, since apparently he made use
of works now lost, such as Yovhannes Sargawag's History
of the Saljuqs.
52 KG ch. 41 p. 294: "zimastun
ew zhancharegh vardapetn zVardan...".
53 ibid.: "ch'ogaw ew
arh kat'oghikosn, zor teseal`, uraxac'aw yoyz, ew arh iwr paheal
yolov zhamanaks, sirov kapeal end nma, zi och' kamer erbek' meknil
i nmane".
54 Vardan attended the Mongol New Year
celebration in Iran in 1265/66 at Hulegu's invitation. According
to his own account of his audience with Hulegu, Vardan, as an
honored cleric was not required to bow. He agreed to bless the
Khan's wine (VA ch. 96 p. 156). Hulegu later drew Vardan aside
and by means of interpretors urged him to criticize and advise
freely and fearlessly (ibid. p. 157). Vardan was given
a patent of authority (yarligh) and was promised an audience
again, the following year, though Hulegu had died before it took
place. "However, [Hulegu's Christian wife] the great queen
Toghuz-Khatun prior to announcing Hulegu's death, secretly sent
to me, saying: 'God loved the Il-Khan and took him away. Whatever
he loved here and gave to this world will be given to him in the
next. Should there be a mass or not?'... She also inquired regarding
Abaqa, Hulegu's senior son, whether it was proper to enthrone
him, for he had not converted [to Christianity] (VA, ch . 97 pp.
160-61)".
55 Vardan's History is important too from the standpoint of language. Written in a somewhat vulgar form of classical Armenian, occasionally we see evidence of the emergence of the um ending typical of later modern eastern Armenian. See Abeghyan, pp. 245-46. Regrettably, no critical edition of Vardan's History exists. The Armenian text has been published twice: by J. Emin (Moscow, 1861) and by the Venetian Mxit'arists in 1862. The latter edition is based on a ms. made in 1307. Among the 8 or 9 remaining mss. of the History, one recopied in 1631 was based on an ms. dated 723 A.E. (=1274/75), only three years after Vardan's death (VA, p. xi; 0skean, pp. 460-61). The History was translated in full into Russian by Emin (Moscow, 1861).
A partial Russian translation was made
by K.Patkanov (St. Petersburg, 1873, vol. l, pp. 1-29). Partial
French translations appeared in Journal Asiatique (1860
fas. II) and in Recueil des historiens des Croisades; Documents
armeniens I (Paris, 1869) pp. 431-43 made by E. Dulaurier.
An English translation of chapters 82-100 (pp. 138-64 of the Venice,
1862 ed.) was made by the present writer.
56 The Orbeleans, apparently a branch of the once-influential Mamikonean house, removed to southern Georgia from Armenia in the second half of the 9th century. Centered at the fortress of Orbeti in the Shamshvilde area, this family, like its presumed Armenian Mamikonid relations in Armenia, held the often hereditary office of commander-in-chief (spaspeti) of the Georgian army in the 11th and 12th centuries [C.Toumanoff, "The Mamikonids and the Liparitids", Armeniaca (Venice, 1969), p. 125. Step'annos Orbelean, Patmut'iwn Nahankin Sisakan (History of the State of Sisakan), Karapet Shahnazareanc', ed. (Paris, 1859) ch. 66 passim. Hereafter SO] .
However, in 1177, as a result of the
implication of the Orbeleans in an abortive rebellion against
king Georgi III, the Georgian Crown exterminated all members of
the clan, excepting two brothers who escaped (SO ch. 66 pp. 128-35).
One brother, Iwane, succeeded in restoring part of his family's
holdings in Georgia during the reign of queen Tamar (1184-1213)
(ibid. p. 136). Descendants of the other brother, Elikum,
eventually gained control of all Siwnik' (SO ch. 66 pp. 143-44,
l67-69, "from Balk' to Ayrarat and from the gate of Barkushat
to the borders of Bjni"). As a consequence of speedy submission
to the Mongols, the Orbeleans, then headed by Elikum's grandson
Smbat, not only retained their lands, but also extended them (SO
p. 150, 158). When Smbat's brother and successor Tarsayich died
in 1290, Orbelean control over Siwnik was stronger than ever:
Tarsayich's son Elikum became the secular lord of the princedom,
while our author Step'annos, Tarsayich's other son, firmly exercised
the spiritual authority(SO p.l79).
57 SO ch. 66 p. 174; T '. X. Hakobyan,
S. T. Melik'-Baxshyan, Step'anos Orbelyan (Erevan, 1960) p. 26.
Also G. M. Grigoryan, "Step'anos Orbelyan", PBH 4(1976)
p. 155. Some controversy exists about his mother. In chapter 66
of the History Step'annos wrote about his father Tarsayich:
"He had taken a wife from among the Ishmaelites, Aruz xat
'un, daughter of the lord of Siwnik'; she became a
Christian and [displayed] venerable faith and fear of God..."(SO
ch. 66 p. 162). Subsequently, in chapter 71 he stated that he
was descended on his mother's side "from [the line of] Sisak"
and was an Orbelean on his father's side (SO ch. 71, p. 226).
If both statements are correct, i.e., that Aruz was both a Muslim
and of the indigenous Armenian line of Sisak, it is possible that
his mother had been an Islamized Armenian.
58 SO ch.66 p. 166. M. Abeghyan, vol.
4 pp. 250-51.
59 SO ch. 66 p. 174: "Ew i meci
awur Zatkin jerhnadren zStep'annos metropolit mec at'orhoyn Siwneac'
i veray ayloc' episkoposac'n or kayin ast ew and omank' i V'ayoc'
jor ew omank' i Tat'ew...".
60 ibid. p. 175.
61 ibid. pp. 175-76.
62 SO ch. 63 p. 90. Information on
these activities is found not only in the History, but
in the numerous extant inscriptions the new metropolitan had carved
on his construction projects themselves [Divan Ha Vimagrut'yan
(Corpus of Armenian Inscriptions) vol. 3 (Erevan, 1966) [CIA
vol. 3], pp. 208, 215, 220, 222, 238, etc. It should be noted
too that many other inscriptions which have survived in a damaged
state both from Step'annos' time and from earlier periods have
been reconstructed thanks to the scholarly Step'annos who frequently
incorporated their complete texts into his History. See
H.A. Orbeli, CIA vol.l (Erevan, 1966) p. XI, G. M. Grigoryan,
op.cit., p.161. Speaking of Siwnik' in the early 1290s
under the rule of his brother Elikum and himself, Step'annos declared:
"Now because in this period the whole land was ruined and
corrupted and worship had been obstructed in the monasteries,
everyone universally applied to this lordship [Siwnik'] finding
a haven here. [Among the applicants were] the kat'oghikos
of Aghbania, lord Step'annos who came and dwelled with his spiritual]
brother lord Step'annos [the author], many other bishops, vardapets,
and azats. By the grace of God, this tun [House]
was a sight to behold, like unto Noah's ark midst the world-destroying
waves..."(SO ch.66 p. 178). In the late 1290's and early
1300's, Step annos was active as the leader of the eastern Armenian
clergy in resisting the Latinophile policies of the Cilician kat'oghikos
Grigor Anawarzec'i (SO ch. 68-69). Step'annos' tombstone at
Noravank' monastery indicates 1303/4 as the year of his death
(CIA, vol. 3 p. 233).
63 SO ch. 73 pp. 256-57. The History
of the State Sisakan is not Step'annos' sole surviving
work. For a list of the others see Grigoryan, op.cit.,
p. 157, also M. Abeghyan, vol. 4, pp. 257-71. In part, apparently,
Step'annos was motivated to undertake this project by feelings
of family pride. He complains that while other families which
played a prominent role in Armenian affairs--such as the Mamikonean,
Bagratuni, and Arcruni--all had their noteworthy deeds put into
writing, the House of Sisak and its successors (the Orbeleans)
lacked a recorded history (SO ch. l p. 47; ch. 5 pp. 56-57).
64 Agat'angeghos, SO ch. 7 p. 64, ch.
9 p. 71; Ghazar and Eghishe, chp., 18 p. 104; Zenob, ch. 5 p.
58; Ghewond, ch. 7 p.64; Movses Xorenac'i, ch. 6 p. 63; John Kat'oghikos,
ch. 6 p. 148; Uxtanes, ch. 25 p. 142, ch. 26, p. 149; History
of Aghbania, ch. 26 p. 149, ch.52, p. 22; Mxit'ar of Ani,
ch.66 p. 118; Book of Letters, ch. 26, p. 149. Petros Siwnik'
ch. 1 p. 48, ch. 1 pp. 78-79 and elsewhere; Mashtoc' of Sewan,
ch. 34 p. 204.
65 On Step'annos' use of old documents:
SO ch. 1 p. 49, chp. 8 p. 67, ch. 23; ch. 36 p. 208; ch. 43 pp.
278-79; ch. 57 pp. 52-53, ch. 73 pp. 254-55, and elsewhere. His
knowledge of Georgian: SO ch. 66 p. 133 and use of the History
of K'art'li ch. 66 p. 118. His possible knowledge of Persian:
chp; 70 p. 219.
66 On the tax list see G. M. Grigoryan,
"Dramakan haraberut'yunneri zargac'ume Syunik'um ev St.Orbelyani
harkac'uc'aki xndire [The Development of Money Relationships in
Siwnik' and the Question of St. Orbelean's Tax List]"
Lraber 2(1966) pp. 45-57.
67 SO ch. 66 p. 174: "Or ew
i hasaneln and, vaxchaneal er kat'oghikosn, ew bazum patiw ew
mecame p'arhs enduner i t'agaworen Hayoc ' Lewone or ew yolov
t' axanjans arhner nma mnal anden ew nsel yat'orh kat'oghikosut'ean
Hayoc'. Ew m minch' och' arhnoyr yanjn`...".
68 SO ch. 66 p. 176;ch. 71 p.230;
ch. 71 p. 231.
69 Unfortunately no critical edition
of the History of the State of Sisakan exists. The Armenian
text was published first by Karapet Shahnazareanc' (Paris, 1859).
Two years later J.Emin issued an edition in Moscow based on two
mss. which he compared with the Shahnazareanc' text. The third
printing occurred in Tiflis, 1910 in the Ghukasean Library Series,
and is a reprint of the Paris text with the addition of an index.
A full French translation in two volumes was issued by M. Brosset
(St. Petersburg 1864-66; Histoire de la Siounie, par Stephannos
Orbelian) . Translations of individual chapters have been
made into Russian by K. Patkanov and A.G. Galstyan [see Bibliography];
French by M.S.Saint-Marten [Memoires historiques et geographiques
sur l'Armenie, t.II (Paris 1819)] ; and English by the present
writer.
70 Nerses Akinean, "Grigor k'ahanay
Aknerc'i patmagir T'at'arac' Patmut'ean 1250-1335 [Grigor
the Priest of Akner, Historian of the History of the T'at'ars]
", HA ( 1948 ) p. 387.
71 ibid. p. 387 n.1.
72 Nerses Akinean, "Akanc' kam
Akneri vank'e [Akanc' or Akner Monaster ] HA 1948 p. 237.
73 Akinean,"Grigor k'ahanay", pp. 389-90. HNA is contained in ms. 32 housed at the Library of the monastery of St. James in Jerusalem. Ms. 32 commences with the Armenian translation of the Chronography of Michael the Syrian (done by Vardan Arewelc'i in 1246) which concludes with the events of 1195. The Chronography is followed by a continuation made by the same translator or some other person which briefly comments on the period 1216-1229.
This section is succeeded by a colophon
of the copyist Grigor Aknerc'i, which states that the latter completed
his copy of the above portions in 1273, and then adds: "by
the grace of God we too shall write what is lacking from it for
44 years" (GA, Introduction, p. 272). This is followed immediately
by Grigor's HNA which the author apparently saw as a continuation
of the chronologies he had been copying. At the end of the History,
Grigor stated: "In the year 720 A.E. (=1271/72) these chronographies
were written by the command of the blessed, glorious father
Step'annos of this retreat of Akanc'
with the consent of Vardan, warden of the holy retreat, and of
the entire brotherhood of priests and clerics, by the hand of
the miserable scribe Grigor, servant of the Word..."(Akinean,
"Grigor k'ahanay", p. 390, also R.Blake, GA, Introduction,
pp. 281-82 n.6). All publications of the Armenian text and all
translations of it prior to the issuance of R. Blake's text and
English translation have incorrectly named a certain vardapet
Maghakia as the author. Two scholars H. Zhamkoch'yan and Nerses
Akinean independently established Grigor of Akner as the true
writer [Akinean, "Grigor k'ahanay"; Zamkoch'yan,
"The Author of the Work HNA" (in Arm.) Scientific works
of the State University of Erevan 23 (1946) pp. 367-68]. Maghakia
it was revealed, was none other than the 17th century vardapet
Maghakia T'oxat'ec'i who had recopied Grigor's work and whose
own colophon gave rise to this confusion.
74 For example, Grigor incorrectly dates
the first appearance of the Mongols in the Caucasus to 1214, years
earlier than other historians (GA, p. 294/95); the defeat of Ghiyath
al-Din in 1244 is recorded as occurring
in 1239 (p.306/7); Arghhun's census of 1253/54 is consigned to
1251/52 by Grigor. Zhamkoch'yan noted that for the post-1249 period,
Grigor is generally accurate (Zhamkoch'yan, op.cit., p.388).
Blake's statement, GA, Introduction, p. 269.
75 Akinean, "Grigor k'ahanay",
p. 399.
76 ibid. p. 400. To Akinean,
Grigor definitely was not a pupil of Vanakan nor the classmate
of Vardan and Kirakos. Thus the statement found at the end of
chapter 9: "In those days the senior glorious vardapet,
our Vanakan, passed to Christ leaving us in great grief, not only
those of us who had studied with him, but the entire land..."
(GA, p. 322/23) in Akinean's opinion was made by such an informant
to Grigor, not by the author himself.
77 Akinean, "Grigor k'ahanay",
400.
78 ibid. pp. 401-2.
79 ibid. p. 403; Blake, GA, Introduction,
pp. 2?4-76. The Armenian text of the HNA first was published in
1870 at Jerusalem based on the oldest extant ms. (#32 of the Patrirarchal
Library of St. James, Jerusalem) dated 1271, and another ms. dated
1602 [Nshxark' hay matenagrut'ean patmut'iwn T'atarac' Vardani
patmich' haneal i jerhagir orinakac' (Fragments of Armenian Literature:
Vardan the Historian's History of the T'at'ars, printed from
manuscript copies (Jerusalem, 1870); See also N. Akinean's review
of Blake's translation in HA (1955) p. 274]. Also in 1870 K. Patkanean
published the Armenian text in St. Petersburg based on a Venice
ms. of 1624[ Maghak'ia Abeghayi patmut'iwn vasn azgin netoghac'
(Maghak'ia the Monk's HNA)]. The following year Patkanean
published a Russian translation [Istoriia Mongolov inoka Magakii
Maghak'ia the Monk's History of the Mongols). The History
previously had been translated into French by Brosset in 1851 [based on
the Venice ms. dated 1624. Ouvrage de Malakia-Abegha, ou Malakia-le-Moine,
in M Brosset's Additions et eclaircissments a l'Histoire de
la Georgie (St.Petersburg, 1851) pp. 438-67]. The Armenian
text compared with all previous editions accompanied by an English
translation was printed in vol. 12 of the Harvard Journal of
Asiatic Studies #3-4(1949) pp. 269-443.
Appearing in the same journal was Francis
Woodman Cleaves' important article, "The Mongolian Names
and Terms in the History of the Nation of the Archers by Grigor
of Akanc'" (pp. 400-444). Subsequently, in 1954, Blake's
text and translation and Cleaves' article were reprinted together
in book form [History of the Nation of the Archers (the Mongols)
by Grigor of Akanc', hitherto ascribed to Maghak'ia the Monk,
the Armenian text edited with an English translation and notes
by Robert P. Blake and Richard N. Frye (Cambridge, Mass., 1954)].
Blake's translation, without a doubt a great contribution to Armenian
and Mongol studies, nonetheless has a number of inaccuracies.
Some of these are due to typographical errors, others to the scholar's
unfamiliarity with certain conventions in classical Armenian and
with Armenian place names. The most serious of these mistakes
have been identified in Akinean's review of the publication (HA,
1955, pp. 275-77). Here we point out three such errors as a caution
that Blake's work must be used in conjunction with the studies
of Akinean and Zhamkoch'yan:
Blake: zMcbnay berd "the
citadel of Nisibis" (ch.3 p.297 1 65).
Should Read: zMacnaberd (=Macnaberd,
a fortress near Ganjak).
Blake: zNorberdn,"the new
fortress" (ch.3 p.297 1 67)
Should Read: zBorberdn (=Norberd,
a fortress near Tawush).
Blake: yurdgahs, "royal
tent" (ch. 6 p. 313, 1 74).
Should Read: yurdgahs (ordugah,
"camp").
80 Patmut 'iwn Lank-T'amuray ew yajordac'
iwroc', arareal T'ovm vardapeti Mecobec'woy [The History of Tamerlane
and His Successors by vardapet T'ovma Mecobec'i], K. Shahnazarean,
ed. (Paris, 1860). Hereafter TM.
81 This work was published in Armenian
twice by Garegin Yovsep'ean: "New Materials for the Biography
of T'ovma Mecop'ec'i, 1376-1447", Ararat (1913) pp.
738-67,1151-61; (1914) pp. 67-84; and as a separate book with
the same title (Vagharshapat, 1914). The Life is available
in a Russian translation, Pamiatniki Armianskoi Agiografii
[Monuments of Armenian Hagiography] K'.S. Ter-Davt'yan, trans.
and ed., (Erevan, 1973) pp. 157-63.
82 V.Hakobyan, Minor Chronicles of
the XIII-XVIII Centuries, vol. I (Erevan, 1951) pp.113-14 (See
Bibliography) suggests that Kirakos Banaser and Kirakos Rhshtuni,
compiler of a chronicle are the same individual.
83 L. Xach'ikyan, compiler, XV Dari
hayeren jerhagreri hishatakaranner [Colophons of XVth Century
Armenian Manuscripts] vol. 1 (Erevan, 1955) p. 567; see also
Ter-Davt'yan, op. cit., p. 152 n. 6.
84 Yovsep'yan, op.cit., Foreword,
p. 5; Ter-Davt'yan,p. 152.
85 L. Xach'ikyan, p. 101.
86 ibid.
87 Xach'kyan, op.cit., p. 101.
88 Ter-Davt'yan, p. 154.
89 TM, pp. 83, 85, 87-89, 90-95, 108-109.
90 T'ovma described this in his other
surviving work, T'ovma Mecop'ec'u Yishatakarane [T'ovma Mecop'ec'i'
s Colophon] K. Kostanean, ed. (Tiflis, 1892).
91 Ter-Davt'yan, p.157.
92 M. Abeghyan, vol. 4, pp. 417-20.
93 TM, p.44.
94 Unfortunately no critical edition
of T'ovma's work exists. The Armenian text was published by K.
Shahnazarean in Paris in 1860. I have not seen the modern Armenian
translation by A. Ter-Yovhanniseanc' (Jerusalem, 1873). Subsequently
the classical text was translated into French by Felix Neve and
published twice: first in JA (1855) pp. 221-81; second as a separate
book in 1861. Shahnazarean's Armenian text was translated into
English by the present writer.
95 Almost nothing is known about the
author of this chronicle. In his list of source, Kirakos Ganjakec'i
mentions him as "Samuel the priest of the cathedral of Ani"
(KG p. 8). Vardan Arewelc'i, recalling noteworthy Armenian clerics
of the 12th century speaks of "Samuel, presbyter of the land,
Anec'i, who compiled a chronicle" (VA ch. 69 p. 121). In
the body of his own work Samuel claims to have been an eye-witness
to the capture of Ani by Georgian king Georgi in 1161/62, Samueli
k'ahanayi Anec'woy hawak 'munk i groc' patmagrac' [Samuel the
Priest of Ani's Collection of Historians' Writings], Arsak
Ter Mik'elean ed. Vagharshapat, 1893) p.137. Other biographical
details are lacking. In the opinion of Ter-Mik'elean, editor of
a semi-critical edition of the text, Samuel may have been born
around 1100, dying around 1190 (SA, Introduction, p. 6).
96 Ter-Mik'elean's edition was based
on the approximately 13 manuscripts now housed at the Matenadaran
in Erevan, Armenia, yet the editor noted the existence of other
unused copies in Venice and Paris (SA, Introduction,
p. 24). He believed that all copies stemmed from a single exemplar.
None of the manuscripts predate the l7th century, and all are
to a greater or lesser degree corrupt (ibid. pp. 7-24).
In preparing his edition, Ter-Mik'elean made two useful alterations in Samuel's work. He eliminated all calendrical systems found in that work except the Armenian, which proved to be the most accurate, and arranged the historical information as separate
entries placed to the right of the date. Samuel of Ani's chronicle
was translated into French by M. Brosset, Collection d'historiens
Armeniens (St. Petersburg, 1876) vol. II pp. 340-483.
97 Almost nothing is known about Mxit'ar.
See Manandyan, Critical... vol. 3 p. 372. The French translation
is by M. Brosset, Histoire chronologique par Mkhithar d'Airivank
(St. Petersburg, 1869).
98 Smbatay sparapeti taregirk'
[The Chronicle of Smbat Sparapet], S. Agelean, ed. (Venice,
1956), Introduction p. v.
99 Smbat's journey is recorded by numerous
sources. See A.G. Galstyan's Armenian article, "The First
Armeno-Mongol Negotiations", PBH #1 (1964) and its English
translation in the Armenian Review #29 (1976), especially
pp. 33-34.
100 M. Abeghyan, Works, vol.
4 p. 248.
101 All editions of the Armenian text
("Smbat's Chronicle"), and all translations of it prior
to the Armenian edition of Venice, 1956 were based on 19th century
copies of two late manuscripts then housed at Ejmiacin [The Armenian
text of Smbat's Chronicle was published twice: by Oskan
of Erevan (Mosow, 1856) and by Shahnazarean (Paris, 1859). A partial
French translation, Chronique de Sempad, was made by V.
Langlois (St. Petersburg, 1862). Dulaurier published much of the
text and a French translation, beginning with the year 1092 in
the Recueil des historiens des Croisades, Documents armeniens,
I, pp. 610-72]. The recent Venice edition is based on a manuscript
of the late 13th or early 14th century which had been cited in
the works of Gh. Alishan as the "Royal Chronicle"
[Sirarpie Der Nersessian, "The Royal Chronicle of Smbat Constable",
Dumbarton Oaks Papers #13 (1959) pp. 143-44]. S. Der
Nersessian in an article on the Royal Chronicle noted
that the Ejmiacin manuscripts used in earlier publications appear
to be an abbreviation of the longer more detailed Venice manuscript
(ibid. pp. 144-45). This latter manuscript however is
defective in its beginning and end and has several lacunae. The
editor of the Venice edition, S. Agelean, recopied
in smaller print those sections which were present in Smbat's
Chronicle, thereby producing a continuous text, regrettably,
from the standpoint of this study, that part of the Chronicle
which detailed Smbat's mission to the Mongol court is not contained
in either the Ejmiacin or the Venice manuscripts. It is, however,
possible that Smbat's travel notes were utilized by Het'um, Smbat's
nephew in Het'um's own history [see A. Galstyan, "Het'umi
patmut 'iwn T'at'arac' grk' i bnut'agrman harc' i shurj (On
the Question of the Characterization of Het'um's Book 'The History
of the Tatars)", Teghekagir #9(1958) pp. 70-72].
102 Critical texts for all the above-mentioned
chronicles were published with extensive erudite notes by V. A.
Hakobyan, Minor Chronicles of the XIII-XVIII Centuries,
2 vols, (Erevan, 1951 and 1956).
103 H. Manandian and Hrh. Acharhean,
Hayoc' nor vkanere, 1155-1843 [Armenian Neo-martyrs], (Vagharshapat,
1903).
104 For a discussion of, and bibliography
on, colophons in English, see A.K. Sanjian, Colophons of Armenian
Manuscripts 1301-1480 (Cambridge, Mass., 1969 , "Preface"
pp. vii-xv, and "Introduction" pp. 1-41, passim.
See note 105 below on Sanjian' s work; also H. S. Anasyan, Haykakan
Matenagitut'yun [Armenian Bibliography] vol. I (Erevan, 1959)
lxxvii-xcli.
105 The first large collection of colophons
(covering the period c. 887-1596) was made by the 19th century
scholar Ghewond P'iraghalemean. The original draft of this collection,
of which only a small part has been published, is housed at the
Madatenadaran in Erevan [Matenadaran Archives #4515, 6273, 6332.
Ghewond P'iraghalemean, Notark' hayoc' (Const., 1888)
includes only the period 1393-1467]. Bishop Garegin Sruanjteanc'
also collected and published colophons from more than 350 manuscripts
[Garegin Sruanjteanc' T'oros Aghbar: Hayastani chambord (Brother
T'oros, Traveller of Armenia) 2 vols. (Const.,1879-85); Sanjian,
p. 5]. The collections of P'iraghalemean and Sruanjteanc' assume
even greater significance when it is recalled that many of the
manuscripts from which these colophons were collected in western
Armenia were destroyed during and after World War I. The next
major compilation of colophons was published by Yakobos Tashean
in the 1890's and embraced manuscripts found at the Imperial Library
and the Mxit'arist library in Vienna [Yakobos Tashean, C'uc'ak
hayeren jerhagrac' kayserakan matenadaranin i Vienna (Catalogue
of Armenian Mss. at the Imperial Library in Vienna ( (Vienna,
1895)]; Beginning with the 1950's, a number of collections of
colophons have been issued. Among these are Garegin Yovsep'ean's
Yishatakarank' ,jerhagrac' (Manuscript Colophons) presenting
472 colophons dating from the 5th century to the year 1250 [Garegin
Yovsep'ean, Yishatakarank' ,jerhagrac' (Antilias, Lebanon,
1951)]. In 1950 the first of several volumes of colophons was
published by the Academy of Sciences of the Armenian SSR, compiled
and edited by L. S. Xach'ikyan [XIV dari hayeren jerhagreri
hishatakaranner (Colophons of XIVth Century Armenian Manuscripts),
L. S. Xach'ikyan ed. (Erevan, 1950). Subsequently Xach'ikyan,
the Matenadaran's learned director, issued a 3 volume corpus of
XVth century colophons: XV dari hayeren jerhagreri hishatakaranner
(Colophons of XVth Century Armenian Manuscripts) part I (1401-1450)
(Erevan, 1958);part II (1451-1480) (Erevan, 1958); part III (1481-1500)
(Erevan, 1967). Sanjian's work cited above is a selection and
English translation of a small number of colophons from this vast
collection, excluding the colophons found in Xach'ikyan's part
III.]. This volume, Colophons of XIVth Century Armenian Manuscripts
contains 845 colophons(1300-1400) of which 513 are housed at the
Matenadaran while 255 derive from manuscripts found in the Janashia
State Museum of the Georgian SSR and the Gorgev Museum [See N.Akinean's
review of Xach'ikyan,in HA (1951) pp. 467-73 (in Arm.) especially
p. 468.]. As father Nerses Akinean observed in his review of Xach'ikyan's
work, while the editor additionally had at his disposal the collections
of P'iraghalemean, Ter-Awetisean (New Julfa), Lalayean (Vaspurakan)
and Nersoyan (Oxford and Manchester libraries), he did not utilize
available publications of the colophons from Berlin, Rome, Nor
Bayazit, Tehran and elsewhere [Akinean, op.,cit., pp. 468-69].
Since the publication of Xach'ikyan, numerous other catalogues
of manuscripts, providing their colophons in full or part have
appeared: from the Armenian library of Galata (Antilias, 1959),
the Library of the Monastery of Armash (Venice, 1962), the Mxit'arist
Library of Vienna (Vienna, 1963), the Library of the Monastery
of Bzommar(Vienna, 1964), the Grand Catalogue of Manuscripts of
St. James Jerusalem (Jerusalem from 1966 on), the Manuscripts
of Arakelotz-Tarkmanchatz Convent of Mush (Jerusalem, 1967).
106 K. Kostaneanc' Vimakan Taregir:
C'uc'ak zhovacoy arjnagrut'eanc' hayoc' [Annal of Inscriptions:
Collection of Armenian Inscriptions ](St. Petersburg, 1913).
107 See the bibliography in Kostaneanc',
pp. xxviii-xxxi.
108 Divan Hay Vimagrut'yan [Corpus
Inscriptionum Armenicarum] vol. I, H. A. Orbeli, ed (Erevan,
1966); vol II, S. G. Barxudaryan, ed. (Erevan, 1960); vols. III,
IV (Erevan, 1967, 1973) under the same editor; vol. VI, S. A .Avagyan
and H. Janp'oladyan, ed. (Erevan, 1977).
109 The plentiful Armenian epigraphical
material from the 13-14th centuries used in our study was originally
found on the interior and exterior walls of the many religious
and secular buildings constructed in that period, on mausolea,
and on the numerous decorated stone memorials known as xach'k'ars
("stone crosses"). Contents vary [56] greatly. Some
inscriptions, such as those on certain xach'k'ars serving
as tombstones, are but a few lines. Others on building walls may
consist of several lengthy paragraphs. The latter frequently record
the name of the donor of the building and geneological information
about his or her family, the date the construction commenced and
terminated, gifts (including land and money grants) made by the
donor, information about political and military events which involved
the donor and family members and/or impeded construction, names
of the donor's patrons and of prominent secular lords (including
Mongol Khans), names of the reigning kat'olikoi and local
bishops. In addition, the inscriptions frequently provide the
names of taxes and rates paid in a given locality and therefore
also are of the utmost importance for the study of Armenia's economic
life.
The great significance of this epigraphic
material has been appreciated by modern scholars many of whom
have made ample use of it in their historical works devoted
to the 13-14th centuries. Indeed some
monographs on individual feudal families of this period are based
almost entirely on inscriptions [For example, G. Ovsepian (Yovsep'ean),
Potomstvo Tarsaicha Orbeliana i Mina-Khatuny (The Posterity
of Tarsaich Orbeliana and Mina-Khatun)
Khristianskii Vostok,
t. II (St. Petersburg, 1913); I. A. Orbeli, h'Asan Dzhalal
kniaz' Khachenskii (Hasan Jalal Prince of Xach'en) Izvestiia
imp. AN (St. Petersburg, 1909); More recently, K. Ghafadaryan,
"Historical Observations on the Kyurikyan Princedom of Nor-Berd",
Teghekagir #4-5 (1940), pp. 167-80 (in Arm.); H. Kurdian,
"The Dsegh Branch of the Mamikoneans", Bazmavep
(1956), pp. 155-62, 246-51 (in Arm.)]. Finally, in modern times
a number of scholarly studies devoted to the elucidation of certain
terms in one particular inscription or group of inscriptions,
have produced important results [For example, T'. Avdalbegyan,
"A Secret in the Armenian Inseriptions and Its Significance
for the Economic History of Armenia in the 13-14th Centuries",
Teghekagir #2(1927) pp. 43-76 (in Arm.); S. Barxudaryan,
A Few Observations on the Inscriptions of Erevan's Cathedral Church",
Teghekagir #5(1947) pp. 69-78 (in Arm.); H.G. Zhamkoch'yan,"On
Two 13th Century Inscriptions from the City of Ani", Scientific
Works of the University of Erevan 47 (1955) pp. 89-117 (in
Arm.)].
110 See below ch. 2 p. 57 n.1.
111 See Appendix A.
112 Vrac' zhamanakagrut'yun (1207-1318)
[The Georgian Chronicle], trans. into Armenian with an introduction
and notes by P. Muradyan (Erevan, 1971) pp. 11-16. The so-called
Old Section of the History of K'art'li is a compilation
of 10 historical workes written at diferent times. 0f these, 9
present the history of Georgia from remote antiquity to the 13th
century, while only one portion, the Anonymous Chronicle
pertains to the 13-14th centuries.
113 The author seems to have had some
knowledge of Mongolian, since in several passages he transcribes
Mongolian names and entire sentences and then translates them
into Georgian [K'art'lis C'xovreba (The History of K'art'li)
vol. II S. Qauxchishvili, ed. (Tbilisi, 1959) pp. 177, 268]. P.
Muradyan has demonstrated that the author made use--albeit not
full use--of the Persian histories of Juvaini and Rashid al-Din,
Muradyan, op.cit., pp. 24-26. Whether or not he utilized
Armenian sources is debated. In one passage he refers to an account
"written by a certain other chronicler" (KC p. 226)
concerning the flight of queen Rusudan's son David from Qara-Qorum
to Abxazia--an account he finds unacceptable. Perhaps he is referring
to the peculiar account found in Step'annos Orbelean's History
(SO pp. 151-53). A connection between the Chronicle and
Grigor Aknerc'i's History of the Nation of the Archers
is also possible. It is lamentable that no corpus of Georgian
inscriptions comparable to the Corpus Inscriptionum Armenicarum
or even to Kostaneanc''s Annal of Inscriptions [VT] presently
exists. Nonetheless, some few Georgian inscriptions relevant to
the socio-religious history of 13-14th century Armenia have been
published. Among these are the inscription of the Georgian kat'oghikos
Epip'an made in 1218/19 when the kat'oghikos was blessing
the churches at Ani [first publised by N. Marr, Napis' Epifaniia
Katolikosa Gruzii (The Inscriptions of Epifan, Katolikos of Georgia),
(St. Petersburg, 1910); Armenian translation of the text in Ararat
(1911) pp. 664-66]; inscriptions of the 13-14th century of Pghnjahank'
(Axt 'alal village) [P.M. Muradyan, "Vrac'eren arjanagrut'unner
Hayastanum: Pghnjahank' (Georgian Inscriptions in Armenia:
Pghnjahank ') Lraber #1 1973) pp. 39-57]; and a rare quadrilingual
inscription in Georgian, Armenian, Persian and Uighur found at
Garesja,Georgia and dated 1352 [L. Melik'set'-Bek, "0n the
Rare XIVth Century Quadrilingual Inscription of Aslan's Son, Sargis"
Teghekagir #7 (1946)-p~. 31-38 (in Arm.)].
The Georgian text of the History
of K'art'li based on three 18th century manuscripts was published
in full originally by M. Brosset in 1849, accompanied by a French
translation [Histoire de la Georgie, depuis l'antiquite jusqu'au
XIX siecle]. The second publication, made by T'aqashvili in 1906
similarly was based on only several mss. [K'art'lis C'xovreba,
E. T'aqashvili, ed. (Tbilisi, 1906)]. Finally the critical edition
in two volumes based on 11 mss. was produced by S. Qauxchishvili
[KC, vols. I and II (Tbilisi, 1955, 1959). None of the mss. predate
the 18th century].